viernes, 20 de agosto de 2021

King speech

Morocco, Mohamed VI, #Morocco,


Dear Citizens,

There is no better occasion to remember the values of loyalty and of sacrifice for the sake of the homeland’s freedom and independence than the commemoration of the Revolution of the King and the People.

This is more than just a historical event. It is an ongoing revolution which has inspired successive generations, celebrating the same spirit of true patriotism and eagerness to defend the homeland, its institutions and sacred values. This commemoration falls a matter of days before the elections. It also coincides with the launch of a new set of projects and reforms that will be carried out within the framework of the new development model and the national charter for development.

The upcoming general, regional and local elections will be held on the same day, a fact which attests to the vibrancy of the country’s democratic experience and the maturity of the Moroccan political system.

Dear Citizens,

Elections are not an end in themselves. Rather, they are a means to set up credible institutions that serve the citizens’ interests and defend the nation’s causes. I believe a state’s strength comes from institutions and from the unity and cohesion of the nation’s components. That is our weapon for the defense of our country in times of adversity, crisis or threats.

This was clearly confirmed by the carefully planned attacks mounted recently against Morocco by some countries and organizations known for their hostility towards our country. Morocco is a target because it is a country steeped in history - it has existed for more than twelve centuries, not to mention the nation’s longstanding Amazigh history - and it is governed by a citizen-based monarchy which has existed for more than four centuries, and which is rooted in a solid bond between the throne and the people.

Morocco is also a target because of the security and stability it enjoys; these are invaluable assets, especially in light of the upheavals characterizing today’s world. Nevertheless, and by the grace of the Almighty, Morocco enjoys a sterling reputation and indisputable prestige. It also has a solid network of relationships and connections and is a trustworthy, credible nation at the regional and international levels.

Dear Citizens,

Like some other countries of the Arab Maghreb Union, Morocco is the target of deliberate, hostile attacks.

The enemies of the Kingdom's territorial integrity build their positions on ready-made, yet obsolete, premises. They simply do not want Morocco to remain free, strong and influential. Regrettably, a few countries, especially European ones, which are traditional partners, fear for their economic interests, markets and spheres of influence in the Maghreb region.

Some of their leaders fail to understand that the problem does not lie in the systems of Maghreb countries, but in their own. These are systems which continue to feed on the past and cannot stay abreast of new developments. Recent months have shown that these countries are facing significant inadequacies when it comes to respecting the state’s institutions and its basic, traditional functions. Therefore, they want us to become like them. And to that end, they invoke unfounded pretexts and accuse our national institutions of failing to uphold rights and freedoms in order to tarnish their reputation and try to undermine the esteem and great respect enjoyed by our country.

They do not want to recognize that the rules of the game have changed - that our countries are able to manage their own affairs and use their energies and resources for the benefit of their peoples.

Thus, all possible means - legal and otherwise - have been used, roles assigned and tremendous resources leveraged to embroil Morocco in problems and disputes with some countries. In fact, some reports have really crossed the line. Instead of calling for Morocco's efforts for balanced development in the region to be supported, they made recommendations to impede Morocco’s progress, arguing that its development creates an imbalance among Maghreb countries.

Furthermore, they concocted a full-fledged campaign to distort the image of our security institutions and undermine their usefulness and effectiveness in preserving Morocco’s security and stability. These institutions also provide support and coordinate action at the regional and international levels, as acknowledged by a number of those countries themselves. And since every cloud has a silver lining, the plots hatched by the enemies of our territorial integrity only enhance Moroccans' faith and their resolve to continue defending their homeland and its interests.

Whether those parties like it or not, we shall continue on the path we have chosen for ourselves, despite the enemies’ exasperation and the envy of those who hate us. Dear Citizens,

Some people claim that Morocco is being attacked because it has changed its political and strategic direction, or because of the way it is handling some diplomatic issues. That is simply not the case. Morocco has, indeed, changed, but not in the way they want it to. Morocco does not accept that its best interests be trampled on. At the same time, my country is keen to have strong, constructive and balanced relations, especially with our neighbors.

That same logic is governing our policy today regarding the relationship with our neighbor, Spain. It is a fact that these relations have recently come up against an unprecedented crisis, which shook mutual trust and raised many questions as to their future.

However, we have worked with the Spanish side in a composed, clear and responsible way. In addition to the traditional immutable values on which these relations are based, we are keen, today, to strengthen them, bearing in mind the need for a common understanding of the two nations’ interests.

In this regard, I have personally and directly followed the progress of the dialogue and discussions between the two countries. Our goal was not merely to overcome this crisis, but to turn the situation into an opportunity to reconsider the foundations and determinants of these relations.

With a feeling of optimism, I sincerely look forward to continuing to work with the Spanish government and with the Spanish Prime Minister, His Excellency Mr. Pedro Sanchez, to usher in a new, unprecedented phase in the relations between the two countries, on the basis of trust, transparency, mutual respect and the fulfillment of obligations. The same commitment is at the center of the partnership and solidarity between Morocco and France, and I personally entertain solid relations based on friendship and mutual esteem with the French President, His Excellency Mr. Emmanuel Macron.

Dear Citizens,

The Revolution of the King and the People was a watershed in Morocco’s struggle to achieve freedom and independence. Today, we are on the verge of a new phase, which requires commitment to the spirit of true patriotism in order to rise to internal and external challenges.

I should like to take this opportunity to honor the memory of the nation’s valiant martyrs, particularly the hero of the liberation, my venerable grandfather, His Majesty King Mohammed V, and his companion in the struggle, my revered father, His Majesty King Hassan II – may they rest in peace.”

jueves, 19 de agosto de 2021

Wikileaks : Cable on the opaque provenance of Morocco's wealth

Morocco, wealth, economy, King Mohammed VI, corruption, #Morocco, Wikileaks,

Source : Wikileaks

02 DIC 2010 - 21:30 UTC

ID: 155357

Date: 2008-05-23 16:42:00

Origin: 08CASABLANCA104

Source: Consulate Casablanca

Classification: CONFIDENTIAL

Dunno: 08CASABLANCA270 08CASABLANCA86 08CASABLANCA93

Destination: VZCZCXRO2297

RR RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHKUK RUEHROV

DE RUEHCL #0104/01 1441642

ZNY CCCCC ZZH

R 231642Z MAY 08

FM AMCONSUL CASABLANCA

TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 8073

INFO RUEHRB/AMEMBASSY RABAT 8321

RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 0375

RUEHNK/AMEMBASSY NOUAKCHOTT 2350

RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 0653

RUEHEE/ARAB LEAGUE COLLECTIVE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 CASABLANCA 000104

SIPDIS

STATE FOR NEA/MAG AND NEA/PI

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/22/2018

TAGS: ECON, EFIN, EINV, KDEM, MO

SUBJECT: SOURCES OF WEALTH IN CASABLANCA - INTERNAL, EXTERNAL, ILLICIT

REF: A) CASABLANCA 86

B) CASABLANCA 93

C) CASABLANCA 270

Classified By: Principal Officer Douglas Greene for reasons 1.4 (B)

AND (D)

1. (SBU) Summary: In Casablanca, Morocco's largest city and economic capital, prosperity is increasingly on display, raising the question of where it comes from. Family money, the banking and real estate sectors, and a strong-performing stock market account for some wealth. Remittances from Moroccans living abroad, tourism, and foreign investment, especially from Gulf countries, comprise the major external sources of money. Illicit sources of income including drug trafficking, money laundering and endemic corruption play a rôle in the growing economy as well. Increased consumption has been a boon to the economy, but Casablanca's wealth must be shared more broadly to benefit all segments of society. End Summary.

-------------------------

INTERNAL SOURCES OF WEALTH

--------------------------

2. (SBU) The easily-observable phenomenon of wealth in Casablanca begs the question of where the money comes from. Many Casablancans cite family money as one key contributor to the city's affluence.

According to Samir Benmakhlouf, president of Century 21 Morocco, the textile industry, based in Fez, traditionally drove the Moroccan economy. In the 1970s and 80s, textile producers relocated to

Casablanca for retail opportunities, creating economic momentum and bringing money to the city. An article in the Middle East Report on Morocco's bourgeoisie supports this historical view, though dates the shift to the end of World War II: "The economic center of gravity shifted to the coastal cities, especially Casablanca. Enterprising businessmen left Fez for Casablanca, where they continued to be known as Fassis." Even today, natives of Fez retain their reputation as members of a business-savvy elite. One of Morocco's richest men, Othman Benjelloun, hails from Fez and is Chairman and CEO of BMCE, Morocco's third largest bank. According to BMCE employees, a 'Fez

mafia' dominates the bank's culture. Benjelloun and others like him belong to a long-standing, moneyed elite who contribute to Casablanca's prosperity.

3. (U) The banking sector, based in Casablanca, also generates wealth. Morocco's 15 banks include five Moroccan-owned private banks and five foreign banks. Thanks to expanding geographic networks and increased banking products and services, including e-banking, mortgages and consumer credit, the sector has enjoyed impressive growth. Overall, bank revenues rose 10.5 percent in 2006 to reach USD 2.56 billion. The same year, Morocco's banks registered net profits of USD 825 million, a 68 percent increase over the previous year. Such strong performance has triggered an increase in hiring, particularly of young, well-educated Moroccans. It has also led several of the six banks listed on the Casablanca Stock Exchange to offer employee stock options, enabling staff members to share in their bank's profitability. BMCE Bank's 2007 Annual Report notes that employees averaged gains of 380 percent from the bank's second public offering, "which is the equivalent of roughly 15 times the net monthly salary." Such tremendous performance has a spillover effect on Casablanca's economy.

4. (SBU) Just as the banking sector contributes to Casablanca's wealth, so does the real estate market, due to a convergence of factors. The scarcity of land in densely-packed Casablanca puts property at a premium. According to the Oxford Business Group, the city covers 69.5 square miles of land, but needs over 100 square miles to support the current population of over three million. As Moroccans have moved from rural areas to Casablanca, land prices have risen. The influx of foreign direct investment (FDI) compounds this effect. Of the seven billion dollars of FDI that Morocco received in 2007, real estate accounted for 26 percent - second only to tourism at 29 percent. Given that 63 percent of investors find Casablanca the most attractive locale for investment in Morocco, FDI has had a significant impact on property values in the city - and on the development of a market for high-end goods and services.

5. (SBU) In such an environment, speculation occurs, pushing prices upward and enabling landowners to make staggering profits. No sooner is a new Master Plan for Urban Development (SDAU) announced than speculators buy up property in targeted areas with the sole intention of flipping them. According to Century 21's Benmakhlouf, "you can buy property for one million dirham and it'll be worth 1.5 million in six months."

6. (SBU) The tremendous performance of Casablanca's Stock Exchange is also a factor in wealth-creation. According to Jawad Kerdoudi, an economist who is President of the Moroccan Institute of International Relations, many companies attract investors by listing shares at weak prices for the initial public offering. After a few weeks, prices shoot up, allowing shareholders to sell at a considerable profit. As Morocco's largest city and economic center, Casablanca sees much of the money that Moroccans make in the stock market.

--------------------------

EXTERNAL SOURCES OF WEALTH

--------------------------

7. (U) As indicated above, Casablanca has benefited from an influx of money from outside the country. First, remittances from Moroccans resident abroad (MREs) have risen since Mohammed VI became king in 1999, reaching about USD 7.8 billion in 2007. Second, tourism brings in significant capital. The sector has increased 12 to 14 percent per year since 2001, when the king launched the strategic tourism development policy "Vision 2010." According to a 2007 report issued

by Casablanca's Regional Investment Center, tourism accounted for more investment in Casablanca than any other sector.

8. (U) Foreign investment is a third significant source of wealth in Casablanca. Benefiting heavily from rising oil prices, oil-exporting Gulf countries seek substantial investment opportunities in the

Middle East, including Casablanca. Dubai Holding, for example, has begun a USD 500 million project to build a multi-purpose marina adjacent to Casablanca's port. A Kuwaiti-Moroccan group has plans for a residential development in the city. Investors outside the Gulf are also pursuing financial opportunities in Casablanca. As money from MREs, tourism and foreign investors is channeled into banks, real estate, the stock market and other investments, Casablanca's economy expands.

-------------------------

ILLICIT SOURCES OF WEALTH

-------------------------

9. (C) Most Casablancans acknowledge that at least some of Casablanca's wealth comes from illicit activities such as drug-trafficking and money laundering. In the words of Khalid Belyazid, CEO of the publishing group Eco-Medias, "We have dirty money. The problem is we don't know how much." Statistics do not exist to quantify how much of Casablanca's wealth can be traced to illicit activities. However, one indication can be found in the USG's own 2007 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report: "Morocco is the world's biggest producer of cannabis resin (hashish)

and is consistently ranked among the world's largest producers of cannabis." The report estimates that Morocco's drug trade (mostly to Europe) nets about USD 13 billion per year, more than twice the amount brought in by tourism in 2007. Some portion of this money finds its way to Casablanca, where it is either spent on jewelry, cars, houses and other items, or it is laundered. Referring to the use of cafes as fronts for illegitimate business activities, one finance professional joked that "money laundering creates a nice cafe culture in Casablanca."

10. (C) Corruption also accounts for a certain amount of Casablanca's wealth. "You cannot imagine how big the impact is," said one long-time resident after explaining the phenomenon of officials exploiting inside information and/or power for financial gain. In one notorious case, a police officer created a business to import BMW motorcycles after learning that the police force had plans to equip a motorcycle brigade. Century 21's Benmakhlouf noted that building permits for land set aside by the city sometimes become available to developers who pay bribes. Such corruption enables those who benefit from it to amass significant, if undeclared, wealth.

11. (SBU) The informal economy is yet another vector by which individuals amass wealth. While the term conjures up images of small-scale retailers or undocumented laborers, it can include full-fledged businesses that operate outside the legal framework and its requirements. In Morocco's textile industry, for example, entire plants have closed their formal operations, only to reopen outside city limits as all-cash enterprises that function under the radar of Moroccan authorities (or with their complicity). The Casablanca mattress factory that burned down in late April 2008, killing 58 workers (REF A), offers a prime example of a situation in which a business owner flouted labor, safety and building codes in the name of profit.

12. (C) The Consulate's own experience trying to purchase land for a new facility illustrates how entrenched informal, under-the-table arrangements are in the Moroccan economy. Ninety percent of property transactions in Casablanca are done informally. Of over 30 sites identified, more than 20 fell off the list immediately because the brokers were unwilling to sell in an official deal. Others declined to sell because they are waiting for prices to appreciate. Of those who would sell, many wanted money under the table in addition to the asking price. Whether selling property, running a company or starting a business, the high volume of activity conducted outside of formal channels is part and parcel of doing business, and often enables individuals to skirt regulations and increase financial gain.

-----------

CONSUMPTION

-----------

13. (SBU) Explaining the sources of Casablanca's wealth, however, does not necessarily explain consumption. As Khalid Rouggani of BMCE's research division sees it, Moroccans are 'cultivated to be open' and want to know what exists outside their country. As a result, they are aware of foreign brands and products, and willingly purchase them, particularly in cosmopolitan Casablanca. In contrast, Rouggani cited Algeria - a country with USD 120 billion in reserves that is less open to foreign culture and less apt to consume foreign goods. Sales clerks at Dior and Roberto Cavalli seemed to support the view that culture plays a role in stimulating consumption, noting that "Moroccans like to be stylish" and make up the majority of their clientele.

14. (SBU) Strict foreign currency exchange controls may also contribute to consumption in Casablanca. While Morocco has loosened restrictions on the amount of currency Moroccans can take out of the country, external controls are still in place. Unable to put significant savings overseas, many Moroccans invest and spend locally.

15. (C) Comment: The wealth that is evident in Casablanca indicates many positive developments, including stock market and real estate booms, fueled by remittances and strong foreign investment. It also suggests some tough-to-track, but significant, negative elements, such as drug-trafficking and deep-seated corruption. No matter what the sources of wealth, however, the contrasts between rich and poor in Casablanca are likely to persist, as there are few signs of trickle down. If Casablancans do not have opportunities to share in the wealth that surrounds them, the risk of broader social tensions is likely to increase. End Comment.

GREENE

miércoles, 3 de marzo de 2021

Germany Pays for Europe’s Hypocrisy Over Morocco


The EU’s most powerful member can’t signal virtue over the Western Sahara while doing business with Rabat.

Relations between Morocco and Germany, its seventh-largest trading partner, have turned acrimonious. The details of the latest diplomatic spat are murky, but so far it’s been reported that Morocco is either suspending ties with the German government or freezing out the German embassy.

Neither side has yet provided clarity on the contretemps.

Morocco was upset last year at being left out of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s guest list for an international conference on the Libyan civil war. Rabat was also outraged by a recent report on German state TV about alleged human rights abuses in Morocco. But the most likely cause for the latest snub is Germany’s stance on the status of the Western Sahara, a disputed region along the Atlantic coast southwest of Morocco.

The precipitating event was President Donald Trump’s decision late last year to recognize Morocco’s claim to the mineral-rich region. (It was a reward for Rabat’s diplomatic opening to Israel.) The European Union pushed back on this move, citing a longstanding United Nations consensus that the people of Western Sahara, known as Saharawis, have a right to self-determination. Germany took the lead for the Europeans and raised the matter with the UN Security Council, where it called on the U.S. to “act within the framework of international law.”

No major power has followed Trump in validating the Moroccan claim, but Rabat seems to have decided to single out Germany to display its dissatisfaction. In so doing, it has exposed Europe’s hypocrisy: Members of the EU invoke international law to signal virtue over self-determination for Western Sahara, even as they disregard their own laws to expand economic ties with Morocco.

Rich in phosphates, Western Sahara was a colony of Spain until 1975, when Madrid’s withdrawal was swiftly followed by a joint Moroccan-Mauritanian invasion. The UN has been trying to organize a referendum for the Saharawis, but it has been hampered by the conflict between Morocco and an independent movement led by a group known as the Polisario Front.

Keen to preserve its status as Morocco’s largest trading partner, the EU is happy to look the other way as European companies do business in the Western Sahara, especially in phosphates, fishing and more recently green energy. This, despite several decisions by the European Court of Justice that EU trade deals with Morocco did not apply to Western Sahara, since the consent of the Saharawis had not been obtained. As recently as 2018, the ECJ ruled that an EU-Morocco fishing agreement was only valid “in so far as it is not applicable to Western Sahara and to its adjacent waters.”

The EU response was to dispatch a European Parliament fact-finding mission to “consult” with some Saharawi groups approved by Morocco, and claim that their consent was sufficient to satisfy the standard set by the court. This sleight of hand let the EU claim that the agreements with Morocco allow it to exploit Western Sahara’s resources without implying “any form of recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara.”

This may explain why Germany thought it could get away with some cheap virtue-signaling in response to the Trump decision, while a unit of Siemens AG could celebrate a large order of wind turbines “in the South of Morocco” — a euphemism for Western Sahara.

But Rabat is no longer satisfied with such tawdry displays of diplomatic legerdemain. Morocco is taking its Trump card of American endorsement and calling Germany’s bluff. The stakes have changed for the EU as a whole.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story:

Bobby Ghosh at aghosh73@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story:

Nicole Torres at ntorres51@bloomberg.net

Source : Bloomberg, March 2, 2021

miércoles, 20 de enero de 2021

Morocco-Israel Normalisation: A Geopolitical Shift with Far-reaching


Consequences for the MENA Region

On December 10th, 2020, the United States announced that it would recognise Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara. This policy shift, a product of years of covert diplomacy, was to be exchanged for Morocco’s ‘normalisation’ of ties with Israel. This quid pro quo, a signature of the Trump administration’s foreign policy, has far-reaching consequences that will continue to unfold in Israel, Palestine, Morocco, and throughout the MENA region. This policy outlook analyses some of the events that led up to this announcement and aims to establish what this crucial moment may mean for the future of Western Sahara, Morocco-Israel relations, and the role of ‘normalisation’ as a tool in regional diplomacy.

Background On December 10th, President Donald Trump announced via Twitter that the United States publicly supported the Kingdom of Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara. In an age in which major moments in diplomacy are sometimes debuted on social media, this public declaration still made waves in the international diplomatic and media communities. Up until now, Washington has remained decidedly silent on the status of Western Sahara since the region became a disputed territory in 1975. Moreover, President Trump’s remarks not only indicated that the United States intended to back Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara but also shared that it had played a principal role in re-establishing diplomatic ties between Morocco and Israel. At the same time, the White House informed Congress of an upcoming $1 billion arms deal between the United States and the Kingdom, which primarily focused on the purchase of drones and precision-guided weapons.

Amid these rapid and public updates, the governments of Morocco and Israel both scrambled to officially comment on the changes to their relationship. While the two states were not fully estranged, they had cut off public ties in 2000, following the onset of the Second Intifada. On the same day as President Trump’s Twitter announcement, the Moroccan Royal Cabinet released an official statement outlining that “the two states will resume partial diplomatic ties in the near future, establish direct flights, and promote economic and technological cooperation”. While the proclamation of official relations between Israel and Morocco, as well as the update on Western Sahara, could be construed as being hasty or even unclear — particularly for the citizens of Morocco — the reality behind this geopolitical shift was anything but. Rather, both the normalisation of relations and the American declaration of support for Morocco in Western Sahara are a product of several years of cautious and nuanced diplomacy carried out among a small group of American, Moroccan, and Israeli leaders.

While Bolton is widely recognised as a once highly influential figure within President Trump’s foreign policy team, Senator Inhofe played the most influential role in stalling these particular negotiations. At the time, the Republican Senator from Oklahoma was a close ally of President Trump. Senator Inhofe, who is also the ranking member of the Senate Committee on Armed Services, is well known on Capitol Hill as a vocal opponent of Morocco’s claims to sovereignty over Western Sahara. The Senator, over the course of his career, has met with leaders from the Frente Polisario in Algeria and developed a reputation as one of the few adamant supporters of their movement from within the United States government. As a result, Senator Inhofe, after gaining the support of John Bolton, was successfully able to dissuade the President from making this exchange.

This blockade in Morocco-Israel ‘normalisation’ negotiations appeared to be impenetrable until December of 2020. As reported by the Washington Post and confirmed by John Bolton himself in an article for Foreign Policy, the normalisation negotiations were jumpstarted early last month when Senator Inhofe and President Trump swiftly went from political allies to opponents over a disagreement regarding the contents of the National Defence Authorisation Act, a standard military funding bill. Senator Inhofe apparently refused to include several articles in the bill due to concerns that they were irrelevant to the overarching purpose of the Act, which angered President Trump. This dividing of a once-strong alliance represented a crucial opportunity for Kushner, Berkowitz, and others, one that ultimately resulted in the President signing off on the normalisation deal and announcing his support for Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara within several days.

In response to the news of the treaty, Foreign Minister Bourita, in an interview with Yedioth Ahronoth, countered descriptions of the agreement as a ‘normalisation’ of ties. He described the recent announcement as “re-formalising the [existing] relations” between the two countries. Minister Bourita’s remarks play into two talking points coming from the Moroccan government. The first is, as Minister Bourita indicated, that Morocco and Israel have always had a unique relationship, one that distinguishes this recent announcement from the recent normalisation of ties between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, or Sudan. This relationship will be explored further throughout the policy outlook. The second is that, largely because of this existing nuanced dynamic between the two states, the recent announcement represents a diplomatic victory for the Kingdom. While there have been some details provided by the three parties with respect to the specific obligations of the treaty, this agreement is largely vague in nature. As Israel and Morocco already have existing relations across a variety of sectors and industries, the Kingdom believes that the changes they are expected to make in response to the announcement will be minimal. At the same time, Morocco gains Washington’s recognition of Western Sahara, a feat with potentially far-reaching diplomatic and financial consequences. On top of that, the Kingdom has secured a $1 billion arms deal from the United States, a transaction that mirrors the exchange between Washington and the UAE during their own normalisation of ties with Israel.

On the Israeli side, Prime Minister Netanyahu, in a phone call with King Mohammed VI, reportedly quoted a line from the film Casablanca, stating that “I think this is the start of a beautiful friendship”. Israel has already sent delegations to the Kingdom to further discuss the terms of the agreement, particularly liaison offices and the launch of commercial flights, and also appears to be in high spirits with regards to the deal. However, many facets of this relationship are yet to be determined. This policy outlook further analyses the Morocco-Israel relationship and attempts to outline the potential consequences of Washington’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty in Western Sahara.

From Secrecy to Publicity: The Israel-Morocco Security Relationship

While the novelty of full and official diplomatic relations between Morocco and Israel is notable, the two states have a unique security partnership that has existed relatively covertly for decades. As a report published through the Atlantic Council indicates, “the Moroccan intelligence services have had an unofficial relationship with Israel through its intelligence agency, Mossad, for almost sixty years.” This relationship was not simply nominal, nor one-sided: Israeli intelligence allegedly assisted in organising the Moroccan intelligence services during the reign of the late King Hassan II and supplied weapons and other surveillance technologies to the Kingdom.

Years later, in 1965, Moroccan intelligence services allowed Mossad to bug rooms in Casablanca in which several Arab leaders were meeting. Shlomo Gazit, who later became the chief of Israeli military intelligence, said in a 2016 interview that this action provided Mossad with major insight into the plans of some of these leaders. Now, it is important not to exaggerate the nature of the relationship between Mossad and Moroccan intelligence, nor to suggest that Morocco is the only Arab nation to engage in covert relations with Israel or its closest ally, the United States. However, these examples do offer insight into the reality that a somewhat consistent covert relationship has existed between the two states for decades, and that Morocco has particularly engaged in this complex dynamic in matters relating to Israel and Palestine.

Normalisation, therefore, represents less of a genesis of security ties between the two states, and more of a moment of public acknowledgement of their past strategic relationship, as well as a decision to shift some these future exchanges into the public eye. There was subtle evidence of this movement prior to the official announcement of ties: At the start of 2020, Morocco and Israel agreed to a $48 million arms deal that included the sale of Israeli reconnaissance drones. While the two states, like many in the region, have historically engaged in some level of arms dealing, this deal was certainly large enough to stir up media attention, particularly for the inclusion of drones in the sale.

The Kingdom, which has always been a strong advocate for the Palestinian cause, has used its covert relationship with Israel in an effort to mitigate the conflict, including an effort to facilitate peace between Egypt and Israel. The United States’ role in this partnership is not a coincidence either, as Washington has publicly close ties with Israel, a long history of a strategic regional alliance with Morocco and has been a facilitator of covert cooperation between the two states for decades.

Thus, the formalisation of diplomatic, economic, and security ties between Morocco and Israel — with the United States in the middle —has a well-documented precedent in the security sphere.

However, King Mohammed VI and the Moroccan leadership have been quick to assure the public that they have not abandoned their support of the Palestinian people. In contrast to the swift and all-encompassing public announcement of the agreement from the United States, the Kingdom has issued a variety of statements emphasising that there are still significant portions of the deal that have yet to be fully fleshed out and that the agreement stops short of full and close relations. For example, Morocco has discussed opening up a liaison office in Israel and establishing commercial flights, but, for now, has failed to go much further. Moreover, following the normalisation announcement, King Mohammed VI placed a call to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in which he stated that “Morocco’s work to consolidate its sovereignty will never be, neither today nor in the future, at the expense of the Palestinian people’s struggle for their legitimate rights.” Most importantly, King Mohammed VI has been adamant that the Moroccan position on Palestine has not changed, and that it “continues to support a two-state solution and to promote negotiations between both sides that would lead to definitive peace.” The Kingdom also continues to stand by the Arab League Initiative that was issued in 2002 and reiterated in both 2007 and 2017, which outlines a united commitment across the Arab League to normalisation of ties with Israel in exchange for the withdrawal from lands it had taken over since 1967. Morocco’s Justice and Development Party has echoed the King’s comments, reiterating that sovereignty over Western Sahara was the focus of this deal, not the abandonment of the Palestinian cause.

Morocco’s public portrayal of the agreement showcases that, while Israel and Morocco have a long history of security cooperation, this latest announcement is far more complex than either the ‘going public’ of secret ties or drastic shift in one of Morocco’s most defining policies. Rather, it marks the beginning of a complex dynamic between the two states, the full intentions of which either remain unclear or have yet to be made fully public.

Palestine and Western Sahara

Amid global debate over what the normalisation of ties between Morocco and Israel may mean for future Morocco-Palestine relations, the Kingdom has insisted that the deal is, in fact, primarily focused on securing American support of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. It is undeniable that the United States’ recognition of Morocco’s claims to Western Sahara is a major victory for the Kingdom. However, the nature of the quid pro quo exchange of the establishment of official ties with Israel for this recognition is less of a certainty. In other words, while this transactional diplomacy has come to define the Trump administration’s foreign policy, the trading of these two particular policies has introduced a strange dichotomy in regional relations. And while the actors most involved in the formation of this agreement may have grown accustomed to this exchange over the years it took to come to fruition, its sudden public announcement has somewhat perplexed the Moroccan public.

The Moroccan public categorically opposed the previous normalisation treaties between Israel and the UAE and Bahrain. According to one study, only 9% of the surveyed Moroccan public supported these deals. As previously mentioned, Morocco and Israel’s previous relationship has involved extensive cooperation in the security field for decades. While this relationship has not always been publicised, it was also not a strict secret. However, the attitudes of the public — which have always mirrored the support of the Palestinian people vocalised by King Mohammed VI — do not align with the historical security measures taken by the Moroccan state. Nevertheless, popular opinion of the treaty aside, this normalisation deal has perplexed the Moroccan public because it introduced the idea that international recognition of Western Sahara is a topic that is somehow connected to the Israel Palestine conflict. This concept — created as an exchange by the diplomatic leadership of the US, Morocco, and Israel — has left the Moroccan public surprised that the fate of Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara could somehow be tied to their country’s relationship with Israel. Rabat has responded to this by focusing on the idea that this diplomatic deal is a landmark victory for claims over Western Sahara, and that the sentiments of the public should reflect that. While the positive benefits of this announcement for Morocco’s claims to Western Sahara is, as previously stated, quite clear, the idea of exchanging two fundamentally unrelated, yet very public components of Morocco’s policy framework set an unusual precedent, particularly with regards to regional stances on Israel. The idea that foreign powers like the United States can orchestrate deals between states in the MENA region based on their own goals could lead to a harmful disconnect between their transactional-based diplomacy and the reality of these ‘bargaining chips’ on the ground. Of course, the consequences of this particular exchange remain uncertain, but the potential implications of the United States’ recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara will be explored later in the policy outlook.

Culture and Diplomacy: Other factors in the normalisation deal

In order to fully analyse the potential implications of future Moroccan-Israeli relations, one must not only understand the nature of their previous security partnership but also their common cultural history. Prior to the creation of Israel in 1948, Morocco was home to the largest Jewish population in the MENA region. In the 1940s, the Moroccan Jewish population made up roughly 10% of the total Moroccan population. Today, there are an estimated one million Jews of Moroccan origin living in Israel and thousands of Jews still living Morocco. Demographic connections between the two states are supplemented by touristic, cultural, and business ones; Moroccan and Israeli businesses have invested significant amounts of money and energy into promoting cultural events in Morocco that aim to foster connections between the Jewish Moroccan community and Israel. Each year, up to 70,000 Israeli citizens visit Morocco for vacation, despite the fact that there were no direct commercial flights between the two countries until the recent normalisation deal. Many of the tens of thousands of Israelis who visit Morocco each year participate in heritage tourism. The Moroccan tourism ministry has funded and supported this trend. In 2010, King Mohammed VI announced a new initiative to restore Jewish cemeteries throughout Morocco. In addition to cemeteries, synagogues, tombs of saints and Rabbis, and historical Jewish quarters of cities (mellahs) have received funding for renovation and tourism initiatives. In 2016, the King also personally attended the rededication ceremony of the Ettedgui Synagogue in Casablanca. Moreover, Casablanca is also home to the Moroccan Jewish Museum, which was founded in 1997 and is the only museum exclusively dedicated to Jewish culture and history in the Islamic world. These trends in funding and the public appearances of King Mohammed VI or his senior advisors — including Andre Azoulay, an advisor to King Mohammed VI and member of the Moroccan Jewish community — at these sites, shed light on Morocco’s growing focus on the promotion of its Jewish heritage, and with it, the future connections found from its diaspora in Israel.

Meanwhile, AFP reported on December 13th, three days after the normalisation announcement, that the Moroccan school system would begin teaching about Jewish history and culture. Serge Berdugo, the Secretary-General of the Council of Jewish Communities of Morocco, explained how this decision is a first for North Africa and reflects an effort from the Kingdom to integrate its Jewish history into the national curriculum. This initiative closely involved two US-based Jewish organisations, the American Sephardi Federation (ASF) and the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organisations (COP).

Moreover, the economic relationship between the two states is growing. Between 2014 and 2017, for example, Morocco and Israel participated in over $149 million worth of trade. That classifies Morocco among the top four of Israel’s trading partners in Africa. These cultural and economic connections, in contrast to the aforementioned security one, have not existed in secrecy. The Israeli and Moroccan leadership have often referenced the cultural ties between the states, including in the recent normalisation deal. In fact, this commonality has emerged as a prominent rhetorical tool utilised particularly by the Moroccan monarchy to explain the shift in official policy. This connection differentiates the normalisation agreement between Israel and Morocco from the three other states with which Israel also recently established ties. However, the historical ties between Israel and the Moroccan Jewish population have not been alluded to solely to justify this deal, but rather, may be part of an overarching effort to paint Morocco as a logical arbiter in the Israeli Palestinian conflict. While Morocco’s security and cultural connections to Israel have been outlined thus far in this paper, the Kingdom’s longstanding connection to the Palestinian people and active role in the mediation of the conflict should also be emphasised.

In addition to decades of officially supporting the Palestinian people and leadership, Morocco has played an active role on the international diplomatic stage as an advocate for the Palestinian cause. For example, King Mohammed VI is the Chairman of Al Quds Committee in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. The Al Quds Committee was organised to support the Palestinian people, specifically in relation to rights over the holy city of Jerusalem and the Al Aqsa Mosque. Thus, as Morocco and Israel move forward in their relationship — despite the fact that the details have yet to be finalised — questions will emerge with regards to how the Kingdom will navigate its nuanced position, and if it will use its unique relationship with both communities to centre itself as a principal actor in any future resolutions. At the heart of this decision is King Mohammed VI. As the public and practical head of Morocco’s foreign policy, the King’s future actions will shine light on if and how normalisation with Israel will impact the future of Morocco’s role in the conflict. Yet, understandably, there is no clear road map for operating within this new dynamic, and so relevant parties will have to wait and see if the Kingdom’s future actions confirm or dispute this intention.

Western Sahara

Morocco has claimed official sovereignty over Western Sahara since Spanish colonial forces withdrew from the territory in 1975. Following Spain’s exit from the region, the Kingdom and the Frente Polisario (Polisario Front) engaged in violent conflict over claims to the territory until a 1991 UN-brokered ceasefire that, at the time, also called for a referendum within the territory. This official UN stance has since changed. Today, Morocco has de facto control over about 75% of the territory known as Western Sahara, with the remaining land largely a UN buffer zone, which has been used by the Frente Polisario to mount attacks. The United States’ recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the entire territory marks a significant moment for the Kingdom for several reasons. First, it officially supports the historical claims the Kingdom has made over the territory, and with it, the promise of future American diplomatic presence. Second, it offers a green light for Morocco to further invest in the region and utiliae some of the natural resources and economic potential that it has to offer.

Washington’s recognition of Morocco’s claims to Western Sahara supports a major effort to advance Morocco’s economic position in the region and throughout the world by becoming an invaluable player in global trade. There is a strong foundation for this role, prompted by both Morocco’s strategically advantageous geographic location and the previous openness of the Kingdom to global financial partnerships. For example, Tanger-Med port, the creation of which was largely funded by Chinese investment, is already the largest port in the Mediterranean and in Africa. However, specific projects planned by the Kingdom stand to specifically benefit from American diplomatic support, including a $1 billion effort to build the Dakhla port, which is located in Western Sahara. The focus on investment in ports, particularly the latter, emphasise the Kingdom’s push to build infrastructure around natural resources, namely phosphate and shale gas, that are located in the waters off the coast of Western Sahara. While the full extent of these resources has, up until now, been relatively unexplored due to the disputed claims over the territory, the United States’ recognition of Moroccan sovereignty could signal a future opening to both exploration and investment.

However, the Kingdom’s development of its ports is only one part of an overarching effort aimed at attracting a diverse set of foreign investment, an effort that could stand to benefit not only from Washington’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara but also from Morocco’s normalisation of ties with Israel. The latter-prompted investment could stem largely from an increased global financial appetite, particularly from GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) states such as the UAE and Bahrain, to invest in Morocco following their own normalisation of ties with Israel. An almost symbolic example of Morocco’s foreign investment profile comes from its al-Boraaq high-speed rail. While Morocco contributed 27% of the financing for the project itself, France offered 51% of the required funds, and the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait endowed the rest. The idea of collective investment in key infrastructure projects throughout Morocco reflects both the Kingdom’s openness to development projects and the overwhelming outside interest in these endeavours. However, from both an investor standpoint and a trade-route focus, there are three main focuses of Moroccan foreign investment, all of which stand to benefit from Washington’s recognition of Western Sahara and the normalisation of ties with Israel.

The first and most advanced point of investment is the West-African to Western Europe trade route. France has provided the vast majority of foreign financing along with this route, a reality reflective of the significant investment the country has made in Morocco. This economic corridor is the most advanced and well-funded in the region and a significant amount of its success, according to a report published by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, stems from the unique level of investment — both foreign and domestic — in modern infrastructure, namely trains and ports. For example, the Kingdom’s Rail Maroc 2040 initiative aims to update existing rail infrastructure and build an additional 1,500km of rails across the country. Projects like these are significantly more advanced in both extent and funding that comparable plans in the region, a reality that signals the extent of global interest in an Africa-to-Europe industrial chain that heavily includes Morocco. However, these investments are included within the parameters of this report because they not only shed light on the Kingdom’s immediate investment priorities but also showcase how this investment has notable strategic implications. Included in the Rail Maroc 2040 plan is the establishment of rail lines that connect Tangier to Lagouira, the latter of which is located in the south of Western Sahara region. Washington’s recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara, therefore, can only stand to support Morocco’s development goals. The public backing of the United States in advance of the actual construction of this line could encourage further financial support and diminish future public opposition to the project.

Second, as the example of al-Boraaq high-speed rail indicates, GCC states have also turned their attention to investment in Morocco. In recent years, several GCC countries, including the United Arab Emirates, have ramped up investment in North Africa. However, amid a variety of projects across the region that could represent sound investments for the GCC states’ goals, including ongoing development in Algeria and Egypt, Morocco has drawn particular attention. One reason for this financial focus in the past was the aforementioned favourable investment conditions in Morocco given the advanced stage of these projects relative to comparable nations. However, moving forward, the aligned timing of the UAE and Bahrain’s establishment of formal economic ties with Israel with Morocco’s own pivot to Israel could stand to make the country a more appealing site of investment. In other words, as certain states decide to normalise ties with Israel — a decision heavily influenced by the United States — they form a growing group of regional actors with similar financial and strategic goals. Support from GCC states such as the UAE and Bahrain could aid the infrastructural and financial development associated with the natural resources located off of the Western Saharan coast in a globally competitive manner.

Third, the financial benefits from international recognition of Western Sahara, as well as the normalisation of ties with Israel, assists Morocco in its efforts to secure advantageous positioning with respect to the African continent. Over the last few years, the Kingdom has made a public shift towards involvement in African economic, diplomatic, and cultural institutions. For example, in 2017 Morocco rejoined the African Union. It is worthy to note that the Kingdom originally left the African Union — or as it was called at the time, the Organisation of African Unity — because the institution recognised Western Sahara as an independent entity. As Morocco re-joins the institution now, with the external backing of its claims to Western Sahara from the United States, it may do so with the leverage of being an active member in these circles in order to secure economic and diplomatic advantages, while remaining confident that its sovereignty over Western Sahara is supported by a powerful foreign power. Moreover, Morocco is currently aiming to join the Economic Community of West African States, an organisation headquartered in Nigeria. Membership in organisations such as these, alongside the potential future foreign investment outlined above, may position the Kingdom not only as a regional player in Africa but as a political and economic leader.

UN Action in Western Sahara

The 1991 UN-brokered ceasefire between Morocco and the Frente Polisario initially called for a referendum in Western Sahara to determine its future political status. However, in the thirty years since the internationally mandated end to the fighting, no referendum has taken place — as the Kingdom has consistently expressed concerns over alleged inflation of the reported number of refugees in the territory — with relatively few external actors exerting substantive pressure to do so. In contrast— as some Moroccan media and political outlets have suggested — recent events may indicate that this official policy has changed, or at the very least, been removed from the UN’s priorities.

In early November, the Frente Polisario announced a formal end to the 1991 ceasefire after Moroccan troops launched an operation towards the southern border of Western Sahara. The incident sparked momentary concern of wide-spread or violent escalation. Both the Moroccan government and Frente Polisario were also incredibly quick to condemn the other and reiterate their respective policies on the territory. However, one body that was notably absent was the United Nations. Despite the fact this event marked the termination of a major UN-brokered ceasefire, the UN failed to offer any significant public reaction. Moreover, the United Nations found itself once again notably silent following the announcement of the United States’ recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Saharan territory, an unquestionably consequential policy shift. Sources in the Moroccan media have been quick to notice this and have drawn attention to the UN’s silence not as a moment of quiet negligence, but rather, as a resounding statement in and of itself. While some analysts may feel that the UN’s absence from recent events was a reflection of a deliberate change in policy in favour of Morocco, others simply believe that the silence reveals that the UN has settled into an acceptance of Morocco’s de facto control over the territory.

This shift, of course, did not come out of nowhere. As political analyst Samir Bennis noted in a piece for Morocco World News, at several points in the past 30 years the UN Security Council has passed updated resolutions that have clarified the UN’s position on Western Sahara. The most recent resolution pertaining to Western Sahara was actually adopted on October 30th, 2020. Resolution 2548, which officially contains the most updated UN language on the situation, reaffirms support for past UNSC resolutions. However, Resolution 2548 notably lacks explicit calls for a referendum in Western Sahara, and instead favours a peaceful and diplomatic solution that addresses the needs of all relevant parties. While not a momentous shift in public attitude, these subtle changes in the UN’s stance on Western Sahara — particularly at a time when momentous events regarding the territory are occurring — indicate a gradual inclination towards Morocco’s de facto sovereignty over the territory in the long run.

Furthermore, regardless of the nuances of official resolutions, it is important to highlight that the reality on the ground in Western Sahara has favoured a de facto state of Moroccan sovereignty with significant levels of autonomy. This is where the United States re-enters into the discussion. While President Trump is the first American President to publicise support for total Moroccan sovereignty over the region, Presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama have all expressed varying degrees of support for Morocco’s push to make Western Sahara a semi-autonomous region. These policies were based on the growing belief that they represented the most viable method for any UN-led peace process. Moroccan policymakers, therefore, also grew to expect this pattern from US policy and could act accordingly. This starting point — supplemented by the negotiations described earlier in the policy outlook and the sudden nature of President Trump’s change in opinion — offers far greater insight into the motivations and outcomes of the US policy on Western Sahara.

Of course, prior to the United States, several governments outwardly supported Morocco’s claims to the region. Yet, 8 POLICY OUTLOOK potentially of greater note are the examples certain states’ quiet acceptance of Morocco’s sovereignty over the territory as the de facto norm, and the subsequent deals they have made with the Kingdom based on that acceptance. In other words, over the years, several states have launched economic ventures with Morocco that may contradict their official stances on Western Sahara. In 2019 the European Parliament officially consented to a Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement between Morocco and the EU. Included in the contents of the partnership are waters off the coast of Western Sahara, coastline previously deemed non-Moroccan waters. Many EU countries have expressed opposition to Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara in the past, however, their most recent actions seem to suggest that the economic benefits of supporting Morocco’s claims to the territory and investing in a Moroccan Western Sahara far outweigh the benefits of refuting its claims. The United States’ official endorsement of Morocco’s sovereignty in Western Sahara, therefore, can only serve to further Morocco’s claims to the territory and the silent economic support that will come with it.

In contrast to the subtleties of the positions of some of its European counterparts, France has been a long-term ally and a major foreign investor in Morocco, a reality drawn largely from the nation’s colonial past. While France does not officially endorse Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara, it has significantly contributed to long-term projects — including the Kingdom’s train line that they hope to build through Western Sahara — that acquiesce Morocco’s de facto control over the territory. These investments have a long historical precedent. For example, during the 1975 Western Sahara War, France officially remained neutral but covertly supplied Morocco with large arms shipments.1 At the time, this support for the Kingdom was far from a well-kept secret; outside parties knew that France clearly favoured Moroccan forces over the Algerian-backed Sahrawi forces. France backtracked on this favouritism in the following years over increased financially motivated interests in forming closer relations with Algeria. However, the country’s stance on Western Sahara has waxed and waned in accordance with its relations with both of the formerly colonised states. Today, France claims neutrality on the matter, but, like the United States, has also been a proponent of Morocco’s proposal for autonomy in the region. Thus, the greatest evidence of its stance can be drawn from investments in the area and its deep stakes in a number of significant projects — including ones that take place in Western Sahara — that promise to bring Morocco to the forefront of regional development.

Conclusion

Washington’s announcement that it would publicly back Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara sent waves through the international diplomatic community. This policy shift, a product of years of covert diplomacy, was to be exchanged for Morocco’s normalisation of ties with Israel. This quid pro quo, a signature of the Trump administration’s foreign policy approach, has far-reaching consequences that will continue to unfold in Israel, Palestine, Morocco, and throughout the MENA region. However, as Morocco now wields a strong international backer in its claims to Western Sahara, a new $1 billion arms deal, and the promise of future economic cooperation with a number of countries, including France, the UAE, and Israel itself, the Kingdom has undoubtedly secured a major victory. Yet, the formal normalisation of ties also raises questions with regards to Morocco’s future role in relation to Israel and the Palestinians, a conflict that the Kingdom has played an active role in for decades. While many facets of Morocco’s political and economic future look bright, it will have to carefully navigate its newfound position with respect to Palestine and the Palestinian people it has publicly supported for so long. Thus, much remains to be worked out in the nuances of the new Morocco-Israel relationship, the consequences of which will likely influence the future proliferation of normalisation throughout the MENA region.

martes, 15 de diciembre de 2020

Western Sahara : Christopher Ross on Trump’s decision


I served as Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for Western Sahara from 2009 to 2017. Given that background, I’ve been asked repeatedly what I think of President Trump’s recent proclamation recognizing Moroccan sovereignty over the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara.

This foolish and ill-considered decision flies in the face of the US commitment to the principles of the non-acquisition of territory by force and the right of peoples to self-determination, both enshrined in the UN Charter. It’s true that we have ignored these principles when it comes to Israel and others, but this does not excuse ignoring them in Western Sahara and incurring significant costs to ourselves in terms of regional stability and security and our relations with Algeria.

The argument that some in Washington have been making for decades to the effect that an independent state in Western Sahara would be another failed mini-state is false. Western Sahara is as large as Great Britain and has ample resources of phosphates, fisheries, precious metals, and tourism based on wind surfing and desert excursions. It is much better off than many mini-states whose establishment the US has supported. The Polisario Liberation Front of Western Sahara has demonstrated in setting up a government-in-exile in the Western Saharan refugee camps in southwestern Algeria that it is capable of running a government in an organized and semi-democratic way. The referendum proposal that the Polisario put forward in 2007 foresees very close privileged relations with Morocco in the event of independence. It has answered the claim that it could not possibly defend the vast territory of Western Sahara from terrorist or other threats by stating that it would request the help of others until its own forces were fully in place.

It is true that the US has always expressed support for both for the UN facilitated negotiating process and, since 2007, for Morocco’s autonomy plan as ONE possible basis for negotiation. The word ONE is crucial because it implies that other outcomes might emerge and thus ensures that the Polisario stays in the negotiating process instead of retreating into a resumption of the open warfare that prevailed from 1976 to 1991. It was in that year that Morocco and the Polisario agreed to a UN settlement plan that promised a referendum in exchange for a ceasefire. Thirteen years were spent trying to reach agreement on a list of eligible voters, the last seven of them under the supervision of James Baker. In the end, these efforts failed because Morocco decided that a referendum was contrary to its (claims of) sovereignty and, in doing so, got no push back from the Security Council. In 2004, this caused Baker to resign.

The Security Council then substituted direct negotiations between Morocco and the Polisario as an alternative approach. Chaired by three successive UN envoys from the Netherlands (van Walsum), the U.S. (yours truly), and Germany (Kohler), thirteen rounds of face-to-face talks in the presence of Algeria and Mauritania took place from 2007 to 2019. To date, these efforts have also failed because neither party has been prepared to alter its position in the name of compromise. With the resignation of the most recent envoy in 2019 “for health reasons” but more likely out of disgust for Morocco’s lack of respect and efforts to impede his work (as they did with me), the UN Secretary-General is looking for yet another envoy. Those approached to date have demurred, probably because they recognize that Morocco wants someone who will in effect become its advocate instead of remaining neutral and that, as a result, they would be embarking on “mission impossible”.

If we are ever to arrive at a settlement, it will be through a drawn-out negotiating process of some kind. President Trump’s decision to recognize Moroccan sovereignty weakens any incentive for the Polisario to remain in that process. It also threatens US relations with Algeria, which supports the right of Western Saharans to decide their own future through a referendum, and undercuts the growth of our existing ties in energy, trade, and security and military cooperation. In sum, President Trump’s decision ensures continued tension, instability, and disunion in North Africa.

Source : Facebook

USA #EtatsUnis #Maroc #SaharaOccidental #Polisario #WesternSahara #Morocco #Marruecos #DonaldTrump #Israël


Bachir Mustapha Sayed: Trump's decision gave a “new momentum” to the legal aspect of the Saharawi cause

 




In a statement to the Algerian News Agency (APS), the Saharawi Minister in Charge of Political Affairs at the Presidency, Bachir Mustapha Sayed, stressed that the recent deal between the United States and Morocco gave a “new momentum” of international solidarity that highlighted the central legal aspect of Western Sahara issue. Mustapha Sayed described, the decision of the outgoing President, Donald Trump, about Western Sahara as “ephemeral and irresponsible”, but it was advantageous as it gave the Sahrawi issue “the reputation, and publicity that it had not experienced since the approval of the UN Settlement Plan.”

The entire world today knows “the fairness of the Sahrawi issue and the injustice suffered by the Sahrawi people since 1975 by the neighboring country and by the antagonism of other international parties against it, Mustapha Sayed said. He considered that the recent UN assertion of the legal status of the Saharan issue as an incomplete decolonization issue and the right of the Sahrawi people to decide their own future will provide a “new momentum” to settling Western Sahara conflict. The UN position, which was also reiterated by UNSG Antonio Guterres, was a “strong, moral and clear blow that defeats the propaganda and irresponsible decision of the departing U.S President Donald Trump,” and also a reminder that “the unilateral position of one country cannot change the reality of the role and responsibility that has been assumed by the UN body since the 1960s,” he indicated. 

“The UN position was also a setback for the Moroccan occupation, which today celebrates the recognition of a superpower that gave it the alleged sovereignty over Western Sahara, and buried what Morocco has been promoting, for some time, known as autonomy, which the Sahrawi official considered an empty claim that has no address and no future,” Mustapha Sayed underlined.

For him, the international condemnation that was obvious in the official positions of many countries worldwide, in Africa, American continent and within the UN corridors, formed a global consensus to reject the U.S position, which represents nothing but a tweet by the outgoing Trump and cannot be attributed to the U.S administration as it was not approved neither by the House of Representatives nor by the Senate.

In this regard, Bachir Mustapha Sayed called on the United Nations, and its SG Antonio Guterres, to update the Settlement Plan by getting back to serious negotiations and setting an agenda for holding the referendum on self-determination.

“The recent developments in the region, especially following the joining of Morocco to “the Deal of the Century”, the involvement of the Zionist entity in (Zag, Mahbes and Hawza) and enabling Israelis of getting into Maghreb territories, finalized a shameful process of sabotage and conspiracy against the Arab and Islamic world, and demolishing the dream of establishing what is known as the Maghreb Arab Union, he said.

The Sahrawi official pointed out that despite the old Israeli presence in the region and its previous contribution to theorizing and building the military wall of separation in Guerguerat and participating in demarcating and mining it, what is new today is the addition of new technologies funded by some rich countries, which requires preparation and awareness.” With regard to the arms deals that Morocco has concluded with a number of foreign and Arab countries since 1975, which have recently doubled, especially the deal, of acquiring F-35 aircraft,  that Morocco is seeking to conclude with the U.S  as a culmination of its normalization with the Israelis,  Bachir Mustapha Sayed  explained that the rush to arms “ aimed at attacking primarily  Sahrawis, and  a threat to the countries of the region, including Spain, in order to implement Morocco’s expansionist vision.” For him, all these developments will not discourage Sahrawis, who on 13 November confirmed their “determination to continue the armed struggle until the achievement of their rights, and they are all confident that all the plots being schemed  against them would fail.”

Regarding the outcomes of the recent AU extraordinary summit on silencing the guns in the African continent, the Sahrawi official said that "it was a conference to denounce Moroccan aggression, and to remind and demand respect for the AU principles.”

The AU summit established a “historical support” for SADR and its people in its struggle against expansion and aggression, and its results are outstanding, especially with repossession of the AU Peace and Security Council of the Sahrawi issue as a priority and presenting the position to the next AU summit, which is expected to raise the red card in the face of Morocco for its continuing violations in Western Sahara,” he added. “We are satisfied with this summit, its atmosphere, and its message to the occupier to abide by and respect the AU Charter and observe the foundations of the Council based on respecting the inherited borders after independence, non-aggression, and resolving issues by peaceful means, he concluded. 


Trump’s deal on Morocco’s Western Sahara annexation risks more global conflict


Opinion by Stephen Zunes

Dec. 15, 2020 at 7:26 p.m. GMT+1

Stephen Zunes is a professor of politics at the University of San Francisco and is co-author, with Jacob Mundy, of “Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution.”

Last week, President Trump formally recognized Morocco’s annexation of Western Sahara as part of a deal to get Morocco to normalize relations with Israel. But Morocco’s claim on Western Sahara is rejected by the United Nations, the World Court, the African Union and a broad consensus of international legal scholars that consider the region a non-self-governing territory that must be allowed an act of self-determination. This is why no country had formally recognized Morocco’s takeover — until now.

At the time of the Moroccan takeover of the former Spanish colony in 1975, the U.N. Security Council unanimously called on Moroccan forces to immediately withdraw from the territory and allow the people of Western Sahara to determine their own destiny. However, both France and the United States prevented the Security Council from enforcing its mandate.

The Moroccan government insists that the territory is inherently part of Morocco and that independence should not be an option for the Indigenous population, known as Sahrawis, who embrace a distinct history, dialect and culture. Now Trump has joined the Moroccan monarchy in insisting that allowing for a limited degree of autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty is the only practical way forward.

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other reputable human right groups have documented widespread suppression of peaceful pro-independence activists by Moroccan occupation forces, including torture, beatings, detention without trial and extrajudicial killings. Freedom House has ranked Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara as among the “worst of the worst” in the suppression of political rights and civil liberties. Foreign journalists and visiting international delegations are routinely denied entry or are kept under strict supervision.

As a result, Morocco’s plan not only falls well short of the legal definition of autonomy, the ongoing repression raises serious questions regarding what it would look like in practice.

There would be no problem if the Sahrawis chose incorporation into Morocco in an internationally supervised referendum. However, as a non-self-governing territory, they must also have the option of independence, which Morocco and now the United States have categorically ruled out.

The Polisario Front, the leading nationalist movement that initially emerged in the anti-colonial struggle against Spain, engaged in an armed struggle against Moroccan occupation forces until agreeing to a 1991 cease-fire in return for a referendum on independence. However, Morocco never followed through. After 29 years of broken promises, continued occupation and a series of Moroccan violations of the cease-fire, the Polisario recently resumed the war. Since the Polisario proclaimed the establishment of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in 1976, 84 countries have recognized Western Sahara as an independent state (though some have since withdrawn their recognition.) The SADR remains a full member state of the African Union, the charter of which prohibits unilateral changes in colonial borders. The SADR currently governs roughly one-quarter of Western Saharan territory and about 40 percent of the population, mostly in Polisario-administered refugee camps in western Algeria.

What Trump has done, therefore, is recognize the takeover of one legally recognized African state by another, which not only seriously damages the U.S. reputation on the continent but even encourages other countries to believe they could also get away with territorial expansion.

When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990 under similarly dubious claims that its southern neighbor was historically part of Iraq, the international community united in opposition to this flagrant violation of the U.N. charter. While there were disagreements as to whether war was the best means to reverse the Iraqi takeover, the United States led the international community in its determination that such aggression must not stand.

Now, under Trump, the United States has effectively taken the opposite position.

This puts President-elect Joe Biden in a dilemma when he comes into office next month. While he could rescind U.S. recognition of the Moroccan annexation with the stroke of a pen, Morocco could then renounce its recognition of Israel. Biden therefore could find himself under considerable pressure to not undermine what many see as an important breakthrough.

But even strong pro-Israel members of Congress have expressed concerns. House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Eliot L. Engel (D-N.Y.), while welcoming the news of Morocco’s recognition of Israel, has noted how U.S. recognition of Moroccan territorial expansion “upends a credible, internationally supported U.N. process … which successive administrations of both parties have supported.” Similarly, Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.), chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, also praised the normalization of relations, but stated that he was “saddened that the rights of the Western Saharan people have been traded away,” calling the move “shocking and deeply disappointing.”

The inadmissibility of any country expanding its territory by force is a long-standing principle of international law. Though normalizing relations between Israel and predominantly-Arab states is a worthy goal, it cannot come at the price of undermining such a fundamental international legal principle.

The Washington Post, Dec. 15, 2020


lunes, 23 de noviembre de 2020

Morocco’s Makhzen Woos Mauritania After Guerguerat Incident


After the Mauritanian Government turned away from the Makhzen in the Guerguerat case, the Moroccan monarch, Mohamed VI, asked the Mauritanian President, Mohamed Ould Cheikh Al-Ghazwani, to schedule a visit for him to Nouakchott, hoping to drag Nouakchott to his side.

During the “Guerguerat Crisis” in Western Sahara, Morocco received support from some Arab countries far from the Maghreb, but the countries, which are geographically adjacent to the conflict zone, did not support the Moroccan move, which was a setback for the Moroccan side.

The countries directly concerned with the Sahrawi issue and which used to participate in dialogue sessions under the auspices of the United Nations are Algeria and Mauritania.

The first (Algeria) expressed its clear and frank position, which is to criticize what al-Makhzen has done strongly as threatening security in the Maghreb region, with the possibility of a new war breaking out that may be difficult to stop.

As for the second, Mauritania, it did not support Morocco in its violation of the ceasefire decision, according to what the Sahrawi side says, confirming its neutral position on this issue, as Nouakchott did not issue any statement in this regard, which shocked the Moroccan Makhzen, given that the country’s observed position is not like any other.

For their part, Tunisia and Libya ignored what happened in the southern part of the Maghreb.

Faced with this fact that does not serve the Moroccan side, Rabat seeks to dismantle the intractable Mauritanian position, through the phone call that the Moroccan monarch, Mohamed VI, made to the Mauritanian President, Mohamed Ould Cheikh El-Ghazouani, in order to schedule a visit for him to Nouakchott.

The phone call came at the height of the Guerguerat crisis, and it is an expression of Moroccan frustration with Nouakchott’s silence on this issue, whose repercussions reached the United Nations, and contributed to moving this file, which was in the dust in the drawers of UN Chief Antonio Guterres’s office in New York.

The King of the Makhzen asked his Mauritanian counterpart to schedule a visit for him to Nouakchott, as this visit coincides with the explosive situation in Western Sahara, this means that the Makhzen seeks to extract a supportive position from Nouakchott in the Guerguerat case, which will have repercussions at the level of the United Nations.

The UN has now revived this burning file, through the Secretary-General of this body, by seeking consensus among the members of the UN Security Council, in order to name a new UN envoy to Western Sahara, which has been vacant since the resignation of the former envoy, German Horst Kohler nearly two years ago.

Relations between Mauritania and Morocco suffer, just as relations between Algeria and Rabat suffer from a knot at the Makhzen, due to the territorial ambitions of the Makhzen in the territories of Algeria and Mauritania.

Just four years ago, the former Moroccan Prime Minister, Abdallah Benkirane, was forced to visit Nouakchott to calm the anger of the Mauritanians over a reckless statement by a Moroccan politician who considered Mauritania to be part of Moroccan sovereignty.

Echourouk, 22 nov 2020

Tags : 

Western Sahara, Polisario, Morocco,              

#WesternSahara #Polisario #Morocco

The second war in Western Sahara


When the roar of weapons begins to disturb the tranquility in the region, humanity must worry not only about the dangers that threaten a certain geographical area, but, and above all, about the burden of collective failure that comes from having reached this situation. It is evident that the current situation in Western Sahara, with the start of the second liberation war after 29 years, 2 months and 7 days of cease-fire, is extremely painful due to all the suffering that seeing ourselves in this sad situation will entail. of the return to the warlike hostilities.

The reader unfamiliar with the conflict would legitimately believe that in no way should peaceful avenues be abandoned for the resolution of any conflict. I fully agree with this maxim, that of finding a peaceful solution to a conflict that was fulfilled, on November 14, 45 years after the sad delivery of the territory to Morocco and Mauritania by the colonizing power, the Spain of the last Franco's government. But it must be understood that it was never the desire of the Sahrawis, who had trusted with goodwill in the diligent work of the UN for 29 years, to resort to arms to claim a legitimate right recognized by international law such as self-determination. In the following lines I will try to outline, very briefly, why we have reached this situation:

-For 16 years Morocco and its main allies, France and Spain, have decided to amputate the self-determination referendum of the body of the 1988 settlement plan, signed by both parties and seconded by the international community, and leave it with the only "member "from the ceasefire. The last agreement that generated a broad consensus among the members of the Security Council was the so-called Baker Plan, consisting of a period of autonomic transition that would lead to the holding of the referendum. This plan was voluntarily accepted by Morocco and represented the umpteenth concession of the Polisario Front to give an opportunity to a peaceful solution. However, the machinery of the Zapatero government, headed by Moratinos, in sync with the Elysee, decided to demolish said plan and force the former UN Secretary General James Baker's personal envoy to resign and leave office. Spain decided to invest all its diplomatic effort and weight, legitimized by its colonial past, in the words of Bujari Ahmed (El País, 10/25/2004), to modify the Baker Plan "by eliminating it" and convince the rest of its partners to that the only solution is autonomy within the Alawite kingdom.

-This effectively led to a Spanish-French guardianship for Morocco to design, regardless of international legality, a solution consisting of an autonomy, as if the territory were its own, thus giving the go-ahead to what, also according to the The late Saharawi diplomat (El País, 05/07/2005), would legitimize Morocco to continue with its policy "of the principle of variable geometry borders" according to which it can take possession of what is its own and what is not also . Presented the Moroccan proposal in 2007, widely supported by the Zapatero government, the only thing it managed to do was persuade our neighbor to rebel, with unusual arrogance, before a basic principle by means of which humanity overcame the times of the law of the jungle, where the feline with the best claw would destroy any other living being that came into view.

-Thanks to these supports, the southern drug monarchy was fully employed in the politics of the fait accompli of the occupation, and the result was an endless list of human rights violations in the eyes of the UN with astonishing impunity: repression of the peaceful demonstrations, imprisonment and summary trials of activists, the kidnapping of Aminatu Haidar and his subsequent expulsion to Lanzarote in 2009, the dismantling of the Gdeim Izik camp in 2010, the opening of a breach in the separation wall, and the last intervention on 13 November against civilians who protested since October 21 to denounce the inaction of the United Nations.

All these elements, together with the underlying desire of the two European powers to eliminate any possibility of holding the referendum, have strengthened one of the parties to continuously violate the peace accords with impunity. The sum of all these circumstances, therefore, has led us to the current situation: a return to the zero point of the conflict and the vanishing of expectations for peace, 29 years later, to resolve the dispute. It is not the responsibility of the Saharawi people, therefore, to be forced again, after the experience of 16 years (1975-1991), to resort to arms to conquer their legitimate rights. On November 13, shortly before dawn, Morocco threw the first stone while the UN troops watched in amazement the first rays of sunlight that dyed the Western Sahara sky red, all for not recognizing their resounding failure to become respect by not forcing the puerile Moroccan regime, which squirms every time it feels the injection of the vaccine of international legality near the buttock, to comply with the commitments signed in 1991.

Mustapha M-Lamin is secretary of Zemmur, Association of Saharawis in Valencia

El Mundo, 21 nov 2020


#WesternSahara #Polisario #Morocco